Original yr of publication: 1979
Three forces—dwindling British energy, emerging American effect, and nationalism in various forms—have reworked Australia, New Zealand, and the adjoining islands on account that 1919. during this quantity, the most individual students of the Pacific quarter verify those major old changes.
These essays take care of diplomacy, politics, altering social buildings, and literature considering that global struggle I. the subjects of the amount as an entire are social and humanistic; they quandary the evolution of either a nearby id and separate nationwide identities within the Southwest Pacific. the original areal and thematic focus of this publication makes it crucial studying for all these attracted to the background, politics, and tradition of the Pacific.
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Extra resources for Australia, New Zealand, and the Pacific Islands Since the First World War
At this time, the antislavery movement had a substantial “radical following” and was profiting from the general revolutionary upheaval. But the Jacobin phase of the Revolution “divided [British] abolitionist ranks” and provoked a “counter-revolutionary mobilisation,” which set back the movement. Ten years later, the abolitionist movement was able to revive within a much more conservative climate, precisely because it was seen as “not so much the most urgent, as the least controversial reform that could be undertaken” (Blackburn, 1988, 147, 295).
1950, 178, n. 10). 18 Centrist Liberalism as Ideology In the process, conservatives noted their convergence with liberals on the importance of protecting property, even though what interested them about property was primarily the fact that it represented continuity and thus served as the foundation for family life, the Church, and other social solidarities (see Nisbet, 1966, 26). ” Finally, we should not entirely neglect the third possible reduction of three to two—conservatives and socialists joining hands in opposition to liberals— even if this seems the least likely theoretically.
10 As a consequence, the Luddites united both Tory and Whig against “working-class Jacobinism” (Thomis, 1970, 174). It is not accidental that this period of affirmation of popular sovereignty and therefore of nationalism led directly to the attempt to justify the exclusion of the working class from the right to participate, on the excuse that they were not yet prepared for it. The upper strata were willing to sacrifice even their own hedonism in order to validate this argument. The eighteenth-century aristocratic culture in England had been “expansive, bucolic, and roistering,” permitting lavish entertainment, licentiousness, and alcoholism.